IntroductionSocio-economic implications of national development-oriented projects involve complex power relations and interactions. Projects that are seen as a way for a nation to grow and develop, may have negative impacts on minority groups. The construction of a hydroelectric power station illustrates with precision this idea, while resting under the statement that “the availability of energy is essential for the socio-economic development of a nation” (Toledo, C. 2004, as cited in International Commission on Large Dams (ICOLD), 1999: 4,5), a state can justify social and environmental costs. History has shown that “dams also altered and diverted river flows, affecting existing rights and access to water, and resulting in significant impacts on livelihoods and the environment” (Toledo, C. 2004, as cited World Commission on Dams (WCD), 2000, 1). Whilst some people defend national projects based on a general benefit, Rawls argue that “each person possesses an inviolability founded on justice that even the welfare of society as a whole cannot override” (Rawls, J., 2009: 3), and also, that the two principles of justice as fairness, equal rights and difference “rule out justifying institutions on the grounds that the hardships of some are offset by a greater good in the aggregate” (Rawls, J., 2009: 13).The essay will address a specific case of a national development-oriented project, aimed to enhance the electricity sector of Colombia in the 90´ that had a negative impact on a minority marginalized group. The first part of this text will be a brief presentation of the Embera Katíos del Alto Sinú, the indigenous group that inhabits the territory where the hydroelectric power station called Urrá took place, followed by the analysis of the power relations between the state, the international companies and the community that are part of this project, using intersectionality as a lens to understand how different categories can affect social relations.The group: Embera Katíos del Alto SinúThe Embera Katíos del Alto Sinú is an indigenous group that inhabits the Paramillo Natural National Park located on the north side of Colombia. With an extension of approximately 200.000 hectares, this territory is set between the departments of Antioquia and Córdoba, the region where the Sinú river is born (Domicó, 2001). According to the DANE (National Administrative Department of Statistics of Colombia) census, conducted in 2004, the population was estimated at 2.266. Regarding that they are located in the banks of the Sinú river, water is an important part of their life, by comparing the flow of the river with life, they set their socio-cultural organization around it. Although, indigenous groups inhabit the territory of Colombia before the Spanish colonization in the XV century, is just until 1991 with the new constitution, that the fundamental rights of them were recognized. In the constitution of 1991, Colombia is defined as a Social State of Law, identifying that it is needed to depart from inequalities to seek a real equality. In other words, this proves that indigenous group has been left behind in terms of recognition and redistribution, in a way that they are now endangered (UNICEF).Urrá Hydroelectric Power ProjectSince 1949 plans to develop hydraulic projects in Colombia had been discussed in the government. Studies showed that the department of Córdoba was a strategic location to construct a hydroelectric power station, in order to enhance the production of energy of the country and to control the level of the Sinú river. Framed in the Energetic Expansion Plan 1986-2000, the construction of the Hydroelectric Power Plan Urrá I took place in the department of Córdoba, over the Sinú river, in an estimated area of 74 kms2. In 1992 was created Urrá S.A a joint public company and with this, the civil works started with the deviation of the Sinú river needed for the construction of the dam. The former Colombian president of that time (1998 – 2001) Andres Pastrana Arango inaugurated the hydroelectric power plant in 2000. With a capacity to generate 340 megawatts and with a potential to last for 50 years. The cost of the project was about 800 million dollars, 40% were financed by the Colombian government and the rest by international loans (El Tiempo, 2000).Analysis The elements mentioned above present a brief context of the specific case of social injustice selected to be analyzed in this essay, that is the implications of the construction of the Urrá hydroelectric power plant over the Embera Katío del Alto Sinú. Different actions took place in order to develop the project, one of them was the edification of a dam in the territory of the indigenous group, in which the Sinú river was diverted to conduct the water to the reservoir. This specific civil work has had repercussion not only in the environment but also in terms of social, economic and cultural organization on the region (OCAU Observatorio por la autonomía y los derechos de los pueblos indígenas en Colombia/ Observatory for the autonomy and the rights of the indigenous communities in Colombia). For the Embera Katío del Alto Sinú, these works have a direct implication in its socio-economic organization, such as, changes in transportation methods and customs, reduction of land for agricultural purposes, a decrease in the quantity of fish in the river -which affected their main source of protein- and health issues due to the quality of water. Although there is more than one social injustice involved in the case, this essay will focus on food insecurity, as a violation of a fundamental human right.Intersectionality as a tool will be used to analyze the structural power relations involved in this case, between three major actors, the Embera Katío community, the Colombian state, represented by the Ministry of Energy and Mines, and the international companies that financed 60% of the project. Understanding intersectionality “as a system of interactions between inequality-creating social structures, symbolic representations and identity constructions that are context-specific, topic-orientated and inextricably linked to social praxis” (Winker, D. Degele, N. 2011: 54). In addition to the context presented, we will stress in two categories of the identity of the Embera Katío del Alto Sinú community, that can help to understand its positionality as a marginalized group in Colombia, those categories are race and class, that can be seen as double discrimination.Race was created and imposed in the colonization practice to establish hierarchies and power (Mendoza, 2016), in Colombia 525 year after the Spanish colonization, those hierarchies still exist and continue to be enhanced by institutions for the benefit of the privileged. As an example of this, we can see how in Colombia indigenous rights were fully recognized until 1991 and with it the general implications into those groups that have been marginalized. This is the case of the Embera Katío del Alto Sinú, that suffer from the abandon of the state with strong socio-economic repercussion, being not only one of the poorest community in the country but also with health, education, infrastructure issues. Class and race in this community are part of a double discrimination system, that reinforces each other. For a group to enjoy social justice it is needed not only to be recognized but also to received socio-economic redistribution (Fraser, N. 2008). The Ministry of Energy and Mines was the institution that promoted the construction of the hydroelectric power plant Urrá I. Acting in representation of the state they benefited from a privileged position that was decisive during the negotiation with the other actors involved in the project. Even though, the negative of the World Bank (WB) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) to fund the project. “These entities, traditionally catalogued as development promoters, refused to participate in the construction of Urrá I, considering that the studies carried out in environmental terms were insufficient and that it had also avoided to include the villagers that inhabited the region (Ramírez, 2010) and the fight of the Embera Katío del Alto Sinú against it. The Colombian government instead of stopping the project decided to lobby for funds with the international community. Companies from Sweden, Canada and Russia joined the project, financing the 60% of the total cost of the power plant (OCAU, 2016). Seeing globalization as “the gradual integration of economies and societies” (Gunter, B. G. and van der Hoeven, 2004), it is possible to recognize that, foreign investments are part of this open economy that started in Colombia in the 90´s. And in this specific case, taking in mind the social implications of globalization, it is possible to understand it as a “process that allows the world market economy to take the best and leave the rest” (George, S. 2033: 16).Urrá started to operate in 2000, reproducing and enhancing the hierarchical power relations. The interrelation of race, class of the actors involved, with the socio-political and socio-historical context of the country, were significant in the development of the project. How a marginalized community in need of recognition and redistribution and the Colombian state in pursuit of economic growth accompanied by the international sector, were fighting in an unequal scenario. With several negative consequences for the less advantaged. In 2001 Kimy Pernía Domicó, the leader of the Embera Katío del Alto Sinú said: The river is dying and with it the community (Domicó, 2001). Those words can be understood in a literal way, but more important is the symbolic meaning, and especially for this community. For them, the river, the water and the animals in it were more than resources or physical elements, their culture and cosmovision is based in the relationship with nature and their role as keepers of the river. The cohesion and with it the identity of the community was jeopardized.I will focus on how the reduction of fish stock in the Sinú river is a form of social injustice for the Embera Katío del Alto Sinú. The decision No. T-652/98 of The Constitutional Court of Colombia confirm that the dam obstructed the migration of fish and their reproduction, affecting the survival of the community and the possibility to maintain their culture. This lead to food insecurity, as the main source of protein of the Embera Katío del Alto Sinú diet, is fish, violating the right to food that is part of the right to an adequate standard of living, endanger the life of the indigenous group. “This is the bottom-line issue of human rights: who has a right to live and who does not?” (George, S. 2033: 23).Conclusion The hydroelectric power station Urrá I, as a development-oriented project, exemplifies how this type of projects can lead to social injustices, especially for the less advantaged minority groups. That is the reason why it is pertinent to use intersectionality as a tool to analyze the social power relations that take place in this kind of situations. In this particular case, intersectionality can help to understand how the interwoven relations between class, race and context, reinforce the positionality of the Embera Katío del Alto Sinú as a marginalized group. And also, can be used to clarify how hierarchies play a decisive role during the implementation of the project. Specially looking at the State, holding an advantage situation, decided to continue with the project, even though the mobilization of the community, pronouncements of the Constitutional Court regarding the negative impacts on human beings and the environment, and also the negative of international organizations that are known to be promoters of this kind of `development projects`. Seventeen years after the power plant went into operation, we can still see that the state continues to invisibilize the affected community, promoting a second stage or Urrá, and there are serious doubts about who finally benefited from this project, as the energy produced is far less the projected, and there is still no profit of the operation.