In this book, Benedict Anderson worked to influencethe culture, political environment that gave the development to the nationalismin the late 18th century Europe and other countries to make it sucha lively phenomenon. Exclude meaning that it should be mass in with otherpolitical such as Marxism or Liberalism, Anderson show it from more closely andpresent to the people.
He said an imagined political community and imaginary soboth natively limited acknowledged. The cultural roots of the decline orterritorialityregard the law then sacred script, the authorizing over monarchical centers asmuch the natural pathway in conformity with prepare political members of thefamily of space, and the link with temporarily concerning cosmology thenrecords such as human beings may want to at present imagine themselves in asimultaneous, homogeneous, calendar time up to expectation connectsof us who have certainly not seen. He goes on in accordance with stumble on thestarting place over country wide consciousness at the connection on capitalism,print, and the fatality concerning linguistic range stimulated by using theprevious two. He since suggestions their origins among observes beyond theAmericas, both Spanish yet Anglo, below their change among linguisticnationalism concerning over the Europe, decent nationalism between situationabout the imperial nation, so far post World War II ex colonial nationalism.B. Anderson think the origins of national consciousnessin the part between capitalism, print and that he calls the “Fatality of humanlinguistic diversity”. This relationship ruled to print languages that, forBenedict Anderson concept basic national awareness in 3 different ways:1.
Createda united mode of communication below Latin and above spoken languages.2. Printcapitalism gave a new fixity to language previously not achievable in the eraof copied document.3. Createdlanguages of power in administrative vernaculars, which Anderson sees as first actualityan accidental position of capitalism, and linguistic diversity, only laterbeing manipulated or broken in a Machiavellian spirit.Anderson’s analyses of the historical origin ofnational consciousness in chapter 2, 3 and 4 were of fundamental theoreticalimportance, for he provided the most significant and crucial socialpre-conditions that made the imagination of nations possible; and for the analysesgreatly influenced multiple disciplines like sociology, cultural studies andmedia studies in later investigation of nationalism. Anderson borrowed twophilosophical notions from a famous Marxist writer Walter Benjamin todistinguish medieval and modern time conception, which were “Messianic time”and “homogeneous, empty time” respectively. There was no clear-cut separationof past, present and future under medieval Messianic time because people inthat era believed that they were always near to the end of time, namely, thetime that Jesus Christ comes again.
However, in modern society, since people donot understand time by particular event or story like the coming of Christ,implying empty of content in their conception, but by standardized measurementlike watch and calendar which led to homogeneous scale of time, the separationbecome clear, and hence we always have a strong sense of “present” as opposedto “past” and “future.” This strong sense of present and standardized timemeasurement provided the basis of imagination that, someone is doing somethingin somewhere similar and simultaneous to me even though I cannot really seethem. However, it was print-capitalism starting from 16th century inEurope that brought this imagination into existence in a national manner. Inorder to make more profits from larger market, print-capitalism turned fromprinting Latin to the printing of vernaculars which was the prototype ofnational languages, so that much more people could read printing materials.
Thecontributions of print-capitalism were that, on the one hand it consistent thedifferentiated spoken vernaculars into written vernaculars that could be sharedby different people within a limited territory on the other, print-media likenewspapers reported unrelated but simultaneous events within the territory sothat people could have the aforementioned imagination and thus gave audiences asense of unified identity and community. In previous states, where the majority of the peoplespeaks the official print language. The first republican nation states at theAnglo and Spanish Americans and the other population doesn’t speak or write inofficial state language which is known as ex colonial states in Africa.Benedict Anderson give the information here about theseparation of nationalism and grew the Spanish American Empire’s creolepopulation, unified the grew of Angelo American as creole. He also said thatthe rise of liberalism and enlightenment in every case expect Latin side likeBrazil.
And European thought that if any European baby born any other side ofthe world, they didn’t take them as like European baby. And they didn’t givethe opportunity to them. Coupled with early iterations of print-capitalism’sreach through newspapers, as the prime motivator for the development of adistinctly national consciousness for these creoles. On the entire, Anderson’s explanation in the book resoundsusually with different ages of Irish Nationalism: The Young Ireland task of the1840 was definitely the educated brain powers, and they made offers to thepeople even however, as Brown puts it, they didn’t know the people.
And thelater undertaking of 1890 to 1921, led by the cultural nationalism of Yeats anda re-energized interest in together built-up myths and Gaelic, was also highly unfairby the women and men of letters. Yet, in Anderson’s only two mentions ofIreland in this chapter, both are confusing on the 78, he claims that theEnglish Gaelic out of Ireland as part of a development which, at least in the start,was basically unplanned. In a note he mentions the military overthrow of theGaeltacht, but doesn’t note thesystematic exclusion of Gaelic language teaching in schools. For example, thatmight give someone pause in thinking the process unplanned. In a later section,while noting that the influence of the crowds had much to do with theirrelationship to the ministers of nationalism, he rights that one might point toIreland, where a Catholic priesthood tired from the peasantry and close to itplayed a dynamic arbitrating role. But these broad blows beg for more detailed explanation,as the priests weren’t always the prepared accessories to the often Protestantmiddle class “Missionaries of Nationalism.” In the Fenian era and prior, for theexample, they often played a more awkward role than a useful one.
In Chapter 7, “The Last Wave,” he traces the risepost-WWII of what I would call postcolonial nation-states, and their genesis inthe leadership of “lonely, bilingual intelligentsias unattached to sturdy localbourgeoisies” (140) that were educated in the “Russified” educational systemsmeant to produce large cadres of bilingual folks to administer the growingcolonial state. As always, he notes that the territories of these futureimagined communities are coterminous with the administrative centers of thecolonial map that marked the apex of travel for these metropole-educatednatives. So, the very education meant to produce willing servants of colonialempire also gave folks access to nationalist ideologies and histories that theywould ultimately seek to wield against their oppressors.In Chapter 8, “Patriotism and Racism,” Andersonreturns to the primacy of language in facilitating national feeling, and alsoseeks to disprove that racism arises out of nationalism.
To the contrary,Anderson rightly asserts, it arises out of class relations. Though he goes intoother examples to prove his case, one need not go beyond the North Americancolonies, where laws against white-black miscegenation far pre-date nationalismbut are meant to keep lower classes from banding together in solidarity.In Ch. 9, “The Angel of History” we have the originalconclusion reiterating the imagined quality of the nation, the spread andimminent pirate-ability of the phenomenon to new contexts through thefacilitation of print capitalism and–later–colonial education systems, and thestubborn ways in which today’s revolutionary inherits the mantle of the oldregimes and ends up wielding much similar tools of “official nationalisms” to bolstertheir version of the state.In Ch. 10, “Census, Map, and Museum,” Anderson reviseshis argument from Ch. 7 about the rise of post-colonial nationalisms as directdescendants from European official nationalisms. He adds a sense of the localcolonial state’s contribution through the interweaving technologies of census,map, and museum, both technologizing space and history in service of theofficially imagined nation.
Through depicting the historical development ofnationalism, Anderson successfully indicated the arbitrariness and illusivenessof national identity. However, he had not suggested anything that we can learnfrom the past to overcome the problems of nationalism. Nationalism is still sopowerful in nowadays that it can easily disturb the focus of other importantsocial problems, like economic exploitation. Thus, as most of the Marxistswould appeal, more studies and discussions are needed in order to find asolution, so that national identity can no longer distract real socialoppressions